Rising medical aid costs are placing increasing financial pressure on public servants, sparking calls for urgent intervention.
PSA spokesperson Claude Naiker said the day serves as a powerful reminder of the sacrifices made during the Sharpeville Massacre, where citizens stood against injustice and inequality. He noted that the lessons from this history require government to continuously uphold dignity, fairness, and equal access to essential services such as healthcare.
Against this backdrop, the PSA has raised serious concerns about ongoing contribution increases by the Government Employees Medical Scheme (GEMS). Although the latest increase was slightly adjusted from 9.8% to 9.5%, it follows a significant hike in the previous year and continues to place financial strain on public servants, whose salary increases remain limited.
Naiker explained that access to affordable healthcare is closely linked to fundamental human rights, including dignity, equality and access to healthcare services as outlined in the Constitution.
He warned that when medical aid contributions rise faster than income, public servants are forced to make difficult financial decisions that can compromise their well-being and that of their families.
“Human Rights Day highlights a serious policy contradiction,” Naiker said.
Public servants are expected to uphold constitutional values and deliver essential services, yet many are struggling to afford the very healthcare system meant to support them.”
He added that rising medical aid costs risk excluding lower-income workers from adequate healthcare cover, which goes against the spirit of Human Rights Day.
The PSA believes that the slight reduction in the increase does not go far enough to address affordability concerns.
Naiker emphasised the need for meaningful engagement, greater transparency in cost management, and sustainable solutions to ensure that GEMS remains accessible and affordable for government employees.
“The erosion of workers’ socio-economic rights must be addressed urgently,” he said, adding that the PSA will continue engaging with stakeholders and advocating for interventions that protect public servants from escalating healthcare costs while preserving their dignity and well-being.
*This article was first published by Randfontein Herald
The Patriotic Alliance has hit back against claims made against the Minister of Sport, Arts and Culture, Gayton McKenzie, and his alleged ties to the drug trade, which had emerged during Parliament’s Ad Hoc Committee earlier this week.
While Parliament’s Ad Hoc Committee investigating allegations made by SAPS KwaZulu-Natal provincial commissioner, Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, wrapped up its oral hearings, it did so, revealing several allegations and new evidence.
On Wednesday, uMkhonto weSizwe Party’s (MK Party) David Skosana used his time to further question Mkhwanazi about the allegations made in a letter he received from an incarcerated individual, Jermaine Prim.
Prim’s letter, which has yet to be published in its entirety, touches on conversations he allegedly had with tendepreneur Vusimuzi ‘Cat’ Matlala. Prim claims he shared a prison cell with Matlala at Kgosi Mampuru Correctional Facility, and he detailed the details of their conversations in this letter.
Mkhwanazi acknowledged that the letter constituted hearsay evidence. In the letter, Prim alleges to have a voice recording linking McKenzie with drug dealers and drug money.
The PA’s Deputy President, Kenny Kunene, dismissed the allegations as lies on Friday, saying that neither he nor the minister is involved in drugs.
Kunene also claimed that during the by-elections in 2019, Prim’s mother was tasked with cooking for young people doing groundwork for the PA. They found that food and groceries “were disappearing under her care”, and after this evidence was raised, she was removed from the PA and cooking duty.
“Jermaine (Prim), since then, has been insulting not only the president of the Patriotic Alliance, Gayton McKenzie and myself, but also our councillors, especially in Eldorado Park.”
Kunene said that councillors have been insulted by Prim from prison, and writing WhatsApp messages from prison.
“I wanted to put it on record, Gayton McKenzie is not involved in drugs. I'm not involved in drugs. Jermaine has been in prison since then, and he then threatened the two councillors of the Patriotic Alliance in Ward 17 and 18.
“And with the evidence that they provided and escalated the matter to our president, Gayton McKenzie. McKenzie then informed the relevant authorities, wrote to the relevant authorities that Jermaine Prim has a cell phone in the cell, and he's using this cell phone to send lies to WhatsApp groups on the outside,” Kunene said.
“The authorities, with the evidence provided, decided to move Jermaine from Sun City Prison to C-Max prison. He was moved because he had a cell phone and he was making threats and spreading lies about Gayton McKenzie, our councillors, myself, and the Patriotic Alliance.
“We have ignored Jermaine because he's nothing but a criminal who is in prison. We have not responded to any of his lies because the people that we lead know what we do, and they know that he's a peddler of lies. He is seeking attention in prison,” Kunene said.
Kunene added that neither McKenzie nor he has ever met with Prim, and that he does not even believe that Prim spoke to Matlala.
“Yes, I have seen him at events, at functions of people, but I've never had a conversation with ‘Cat’ Matlala. However, now that he knows Matlala's name is in the mix somewhere, he tries to make his lies that he peddles credible.
“McKenzie has not given Jermaine any drugs to sell in prison. McKenzie is successful and is rich from legitimate businesses,” Kunene said.
“We have grown this party ethically. We have grown this party by going to the ground and talking to the people."
The Ad Hoc Committee has until March 31 to conclude its work and report to the National Assembly. Chairperson, Soviet Lekganyane, said the evidence leaders will present the overview of the evidence, and the secretariat will provide a report to be deliberated by the MPs.
*This article was first published by IOL News
Democratic Alliance (DA) MP Karabo Khakhau has appealed a party decision barring her from contesting the position of deputy chairperson of its Federal Council.
The decision stemmed from an outstanding amount — referred to as a "tithe" — that party officials are required to pay to the DA.
In a statement to the media, Khakhau strongly refuted the claim, insisting she had paid the amount in full and owed the party nothing. Despite this, she was forced to withdraw from the race after the party refused to issue her a letter of good financial standing, a prerequisite for the position.
"Yes, I am not happy, but cannot comment beyond the statement issued," she told IOL.
When pressed on whether she was considering leaving the party or appealing the decision, she replied: "No, I will not quit. I don't give up that easily. I have appealed the decision and will await the response from the party."
However, senior sources within the DA expressed outrage, accusing the party of applying double standards.
"What absolute bullshit. Yet again, they pick and choose how they apply rules based on who you are. John Steenhuisen failed to pay his contributions previously for months, and nothing was done. No action was taken. He abused the party credit card and is handled with kid gloves. Karabo is a hard worker and deserves a shot at the position. She paid her contributions and is being treated unfairly," one source told IOL.
Another insider called on the party to "do the right thing" and reverse the decision.
"The DA's Federal Executive Committee (FedEx) is the highest decision-making body of the party. Karabo's appeal to the party's Federal Legal Commission (FLC), even if successful, cannot override the decision by FedEx. This is an injustice and smacks of the party's usual double standards," the source added.
Former DA minister and party federal finance chair Dion George also weighed in via a post on social media:
"The DA has a very clear credit control policy. If a public representative contribution is not paid within seven days after it is due, action is taken. If Karabo missed a payment, she should have received a letter. If she didn't, that process failed her — double standard indeed!"
Khakhau maintains she received the letter for the outstanding payment in October 2025 and settled the amount within 24 hours.
The party has defended its decision, stating that Khakhau failed to meet the requirements to contest the position.
Khakhau's fury at being forced out of the race has fuelled speculation about her future in the DA and whether she might eventually leave.
Several prominent Black leaders have departed the party in recent years amid internal racial tensions and disagreements over political direction, including former leader Mmusi Maimane, Mbali Ntuli, and Herman Mashaba.
*This article was first published by IOL News
The Madlanga Commission of Inquiry and the Parliament Ad Hoc Committee has been urged to summon the head of counter-intelligence within the SAPS Crime Intelligence division, Feroz Khan, who has been accused of being “a political fixer” and politically protected.
Khan, who joined the police service in 1991, has been at the centre of several controversies involving professional misconduct, political interference and private business interests.
This is after KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner, General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, recently claimed that Khan received protection from senior politicians to shield him from investigations.
During his testimony before the Parliamentary Ad Hoc Committee, Mkhwanazi alleged that former Police Minister Bheki Cele pressured him in 2021 to protect Khan during an investigation into a massive drug bust.
This was after Khan was accused of defeating the ends of justice and bringing the SAPS into disrepute for allegedly interfering with the investigation after other officers reportedly tried to steal the narcotics.
However, Khan was acquitted of all charges in a disciplinary process in 2025. This was after he won an appeal after urgently applying to the Labour Court to prevent the police from instituting an expeditious disciplinary process in 2024.
Mkhwanazi in previous testimony to the Ad Hoc Committee claimed that Cele asked him to persuade Major General Jabulani Khumalo—who was investigating Khan—to resign from the SAPS in exchange for a five-year position in Gauteng. Mkhwanazi described this as an attempt to derail the probe and stated he had not spoken to Cele since that day.
Cele, during his testimony had denied allegations that he interfered in operational policing decisions, characterising his interactions as part of legitimate policy oversight. He described Mkhwanazi’s claims as “unfounded and misinformed".
Mkhwanazi also described the vetting unit, under Khan, as a “dirty office” that allegedly uses its power to delay or obstruct security clearances for integrity officers while protecting others.
He also revealed that his top-secret security clearance expired in 2018, and despite applying for renewal, he has not received clearance, adding that Khan has deliberately obstructed this process.
He further claimed that Khan’s influence reaches into the Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPID) and other external networks, effectively “shaping conduct” beyond the police force.
During his testimony at the Madlanga Commission, Crime Intelligence head General Dumisani Khumalo also indicated that Khan was close to controversial businessman Brown Mogotsi, through WhatsApp messages.
This was after Mogotsi allegedly facilitated communication between suspected drug kingpin Vusimusi “Cat” Matlala and Khan.
Despite being heavily implicated, Khan did not appear before the Madlanga Commission.
MK Party MP, Vusi Shongwe, also expressed concern regarding the absence of Khan from the witness list.
Political analyst Zakhele Ndlovu said Khan should also respond to the Madlanga Commission and the Parliament Ad Hoc Committee to allegations levelled against him.
“He has been implicated in serious allegations of misconduct that include intimidation, abuse of authority, and being friends with criminal elements. The question is, who is protecting him? Why has he not been called to testify before the Madlanga Commission and the Parliament Ad Hoc committee? Whose responsibility is it to call witnesses to testify? Obviously, if he is doing bad things, then some powerful people would protect him,” said Ndlovu.
Security expert Andy Mashaile said that while he is hoping that the Ad Hoc Committee will explain its decision in its final report not to call Khan to testify, he believes that he will be called before the Madlanga Commission, as he is implicated as a key player enabling organised crime networks by frustrating the effectiveness and efficiency of policing.
Mashaile added that those responsible for promoting Khan as head of counter-intelligence must explain this move, based on the SAPS' human resources policies.
In 2023, Khan faced a public backlash for attending an EFF gala dinner, where he shared a table with individuals allegedly linked to illicit activities like cigarette smuggling Adriano Mazzotti, who had previously donated to the EFF.
It was reported that Khan’s lavish ticket was purchased by Mohammadh Sayed, a close friend of Khan and business partner to Mazzotti.
Mkhwanazi also claimed that Khan introduced him to the EFF leader Julius Malema in a meeting where Khan “bragged” about his access to high-profile politicians.
Malema has since denied any corrupt ties, stating that while he knows Khan, Mkhwanazi is dragging his name into internal police disputes to “fight Khan”.
Concerns have also been raised regarding Khan managing substantial business interests while overseeing police security, with calls questioning the compatibility of these roles.
This was after Khan was identified as an active director of multiple lucrative businesses, including a motor parts chain, Spares Oasis, which is valued at approximately R21 million.
The organisation Public Interest SA recently called on National Police Commissioner General Fannie Masemola to suspend Khan pending the outcome of ongoing investigations into serious allegations of misconduct.
This was after Khan was alleged to have summoned MK Party parliamentarian Sibonelo Nomvalo to a private venue, where Nomvalo was compelled to engage with him via video call. During that exchange, Khan reportedly issued a thinly veiled warning, instructing him to “stop suffocating” him.
Asked to comment on this matter and other allegations levelled against Khan, SAPS spokesperson Athlenda Mathe said she will forward questions to relevant departments, but could not respond at the time of publication.
Madlanga Commission spokesperson Jeremy Michael, responding to a question on whether Khan will be asked to appear, said the Commission does not comment in such detail on matters that arise from testimony.
*This article was first published by IOL News
By Lerato Mutlanyane
President Cyril Ramaphosa used Human Rights Day to push back against growing criticism, delivering a firm and unapologetic defence of South Africa’s transformation agenda while insisting that social justice and restitution remain non-negotiable.
Thousands of South Africans gathered under the blazing Northern Cape sun as Ramaphosa took centre stage at the AR Abass Stadium in Kimberley on 21 March 2026, delivering a powerful Human Rights Day address that balanced reflection with a firm call to action.
Under the theme "Bill of Rights at 30: Making Human Dignity Real,” Ramaphosa honoured the country’s painful past while making it clear: the fight for dignity, equality and justice is far from over.
Joined by Northern Cape Premier Zamani Saul and senior government officials, Ramaphosa invoked the memory of the Sharpeville Massacre, where peaceful protestors stood against apartheid pass laws. He reminded the nation that Human Rights Day is not just ceremonial—it is a moment to measure progress, confront ongoing injustices, and recommit to the ideals of the Constitution.
“It is fitting that the place that had known so much suffering and tears should be the site from which a new South Africa would rise,” Ramaphosa said, describing the signing of the Constitution as the defining moral commitment of the democratic era. He emphasised that the Constitution remains a living guide toward equality, freedom, and human dignity.
The President highlighted that South Africa’s Bill of Rights stands as the cornerstone of democracy, shaped through one of the most inclusive public participation processes in the country’s history. Yet, despite these achievements, serious challenges persist.
According to findings from the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC), key concerns include failures in upholding the rights of accused persons, inadequate basic service delivery, racism, xenophobia, and the growing pressures of climate change. Additional reports point to underspending on housing, strained healthcare resources, and delays in critical services such as foster care grants and access to education.
Still, Ramaphosa pointed to measurable progress in restoring dignity. Millions of South Africans continue to benefit from social support systems, including school nutrition programmes feeding over nine million learners and social grants reaching more than 29 million vulnerable citizens. Access to water, sanitation, and free basic services has also expanded significantly, while hundreds of thousands of students from low-income households are accessing higher education.
He also spotlighted cultural restoration efforts in the Richtersveld, where the Nama language—once suppressed under apartheid—is being revived in schools, symbolising a broader reclaiming of identity and dignity.
Yet his message was unequivocal: progress alone is not enough.
“There can be no peace, no progress without justice,” he said firmly, warning against calls to abandon affirmative action, land reform and employment equity policies. “Restitution is not merely about compensation or redress—it is central to building a just society.”
Ramaphosa stressed that true equality will only be achieved when the economy, workplaces and land ownership reflect the diversity of South Africa’s people. Until then, he said, the mission continues.
“The deliverance of social justice remains our priority,” he concluded. “The progress we have made bears witness to the fruits of our efforts—but the journey is not yet complete.”
A call to honour the sacrifices of the past by creating a future of dignity and opportunities was made by Premier Saul, echoing Ramaphosa’s remarks.
“This is our collective resolve to advance human rights, keep democracy and improve the rights of all our people. Together, let us continue working to build a province and a country that honours the sacrifices of the past by creating a future of dignity and opportunities,” said Saul.
For Ramaphosa, the path forward is non-negotiable: justice, dignity and restitution must remain at the centre of South Africa’s democratic project.
By: Thabang Mokoka
We keep them on the room divider, those family albums. The leather is cracked, the gold lettering has faded to a whisper, but the weight of them is sacred. When we gather, someone pulls one down, and the dust motes dance in the afternoon light.
We open it to laugh at the uncle’s bell-bottom trousers at a wedding in ’85. We pause to sigh over the Christmas where the table was too small for everyone. The album is the vault of us.
But have you ever noticed how, over the years, the (e) pictures alter? Look very closely, a square of yellowed cardboard with four corners of stale glue where a photograph used to be. Someone has been here before us. Someone with scissors, or a firm thumb of irritation towards a perceived “Persona non-grata”, the thumb has decided that specific memory no longer fit the narrative they wanted to tell. Perhaps it was a cousin who left in anger. Perhaps it was a fight that soured a decade of Sundays. The empty space remains, a phantom limb of memory.
This is the dilemma of our public memory. We treat our national story less like the untorn fabric it is, and more like that family album on the room divider, constantly curated by the very last person who felt slighted.
I am reminded of a meeting of the minds and hearts, marriage. Not a political alliance, but letshato ka mpela, in the truest sense of the word. It was a union celebrated under the African sunset, a union that produced children, the synced melody, "tswang, tswanng, le boneng, ngwana o tswana le le coloured" of revolutionary hope. For decades, the family album was full.
Page after page, showed this couple building a home not just a house, weathering all sort of storms both internally and externally, laughing at the kitchen table while the come cover stove warmth’s up the house, and weeping at the funerals of comrades. They raised children together, three very specials offsprings, Freedom Charter, Liberation le National Democratic Revolution. The album was thick with the texture of a shared life.
And as is the way with divorces that turn bitter, the story was rewritten the moment the decree was initiated. The ex, wounded and furious, took the family album and sat down with a pair of scissors. Out came the pictures of the happy years. Out came the memory of the father at the school sports day, the husband nursing the sick child. The narrative was collapsed into a single, devastating phrase wa mobona o “One door in, one door out."
He was no longer the man who had helped build the home but was now the stranger who had just slammed, the door on his way out, irrespective of previous efforts. This was blasted out into the ears of family’s members, friends, to the enemies, to anyone who ever would listen, the story was told anew of a deadbeat, a traitor to the hearth. The rich, complex history of the marriage was replaced with a single, angry snapshot.
Now, that man is today is late. He has gone to the ancestors. And suddenly, the album is brought out again. This time, the tears are for the founding father, the familys own colourful elder. We are told of his immense contribution and his stature within the family and extended reletives. A top of the art funeral, a class befitting of a giant, is dusted off. The tone is one of profound loss, pain is felt through the withheld tears in the corner of the eyes.
The ex speaks of him, but the words are carefully chosen, a eulogy for a stranger, not the complex history of a spouse. We celebrate his departure in recognition, but we refuse to acknowledge the life shared the spouse. We mourn him loudly, but we have already erased him from the family tree. The children of that union, the ideas, the movements, the followers, stand at the funeral and hear a version of their father that bears no resemblance to the man whose pages were torn out. Which story is true?
The tragedy is not that the pages are gone but the painful tragedy is that we are the ones who tore them out, and in doing so, we have erased the only map that could ever show us the way home.
Perhaps, given the chance to reflect, that is the cruellest cut of all history as we shall know it because a map torn to pieces cannot guide your back. It cannot navigate you the path to the meeting place of our kraal when the sun goes down. Now that the family has been scattered, a wedge driven between each member by unresolved personal in my view not ideological, factual or not, but the silence in the album is a deafening verdict. It speaks of a family that has forgotten how to gather.
But as I stare at these empty spaces, I hear the echo of an old voice, a gran’s suggestion from that deep well of wisdom, the glue that holds generations together. She has seen it all; she has been part of this family through its many family battles. She has observed everyone arriving and showing their last respect, irrespective of their own differences, all stood in laughter and celebratory of the life of late spouse. Yes, all in the same proximity. With sheer concern of family value, a painful tear at the corner of her eye, as she often holds it back, asks the question that lingers in the dust: What went wrong?
She asked herself on the golden days, speaking to her own inner person gazing at the sundown that is truly so difficult to forgive each other, for the sake of our children? This hatred, this betrayal, it is destroying us, dissolving the very glue that once held the album together. Why can’t we swallow our pride, just once, and forgive? Why can’t we make peace and move forward?
This unfortunate gathering of the spouse lost, sad it may be, is an opportunity to really teach us something. It reminds us that mohlomong mokete, or perhaps a family reunion, must happen. Not a political rally, but a true gathering to resolve personal matters, for the sake of the clan name and its family values. If we still wish to salvage the reputation of this legacy before it perishes entirely, we must unite every member who went their own way. Ke bohloko ba family; it is the pain of the family that calls out the loudest.
We stand here, staring at the full album and the empty spaces, mourning a man whose pages some tried to tear out. And in the silence, all we can do is whisper the only prayer that fits a family so fractured:
Morena boloka setjhaba, o fedise dintwa le matshwenyeho.
Rest now, old man. You have taught us, finally, that the blank spaces you leave behind are not voids, but a mirror reflecting our own stubborn hearts.
Robala ka kgotso, ho tswa ho rona.
Disclaimer: Thabang Mokoka writes in his own personal capacity
